Suchergebnisse

This paper represents an attempt to study national identity in the post-Soviet context through the lens of everyday life practices. Building on ideas of banal nationalism and consumer citizenship, and with support of empirical evidence collected in l'viv, Ukraine, this paper demonstrates how national identity becomes materialized in everyday life through consumption practices and objects of consumption. While exploring objects and practices that are not originally national in scope but infused with national meanings by ordinary people, it will be shown how consumption becomes an arena for the expression and renegotiation of national self-portraits. Differences in national meanings among residents of l'viv belonging to two different language groups will highlight the diversity of ways and means by which people express their national sensibilities. By exploring national meanings in everyday consumption practices of Ukrainian citizens, this study aims to provide an alternative perspective on post-Soviet nation-building and contribute to the current debate on the position and identity of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine.

This article presents a methodological approach to the study of nation-building in everyday life in the post-Soviet region. Although bottom-up and informal mechanisms of creating identity have been acknowledged in the literature and methodology of nationalism studies, they have seldom been applied to studies in the post-Soviet countries. This article discusses the strengths and limitations of such an approach, using the example of two studies - on consumption and national identity in Ukraine and on music and nationbuilding
in Estonia.

Avec une population de 1.4 million d'habitants et un territoire de 45 000 kilomètres carrés, l'Estonie dispose d'un répertoire d'action diplomatique limité dans le système européen et sur la scène globale. Néanmoins, le pays a développé une grande capacité à faire passer ses messages, même informellement, à travers ce qu'on appelle le marketing national (nation branding), en particulier dans un certain nombre de secteurs. Cet article examine la capacité de l'Estonie à construire un récit national et à le promouvoir au niveau international, avec des messages basés sur la cuisine nationale, la culture, l'environnement des affaires et l'accent porté sur sa capacité à développer un système de e-gouvernance unique au monde. Ces messages permettent de s'engager avec une diplomatie du branding pour emmener à une série de transformations qui, prises en charge seulement par l'État, se seraient produites plus lentement. ; With a population of 1.4 million residents and a territory of 45,000 square kilometers, Estonia has a limited sphere of diplomatic action in the European system and on the world stage. The country has nevertheless developed a marked ability to get its message across, even informally, through the use of what is known as "nation branding," or national marketing, especially in certain sectors. This article examines Estonia's ability to construct a national myth and to promote it internationally, making use of messages about the national cuisine, culture, and business environment, with an emphasis on the country's development of a truly unique approach to e-government. These messages allow for an engagement with a form of branding diplomacy that drives a series of transformations that would have occurred much more slowly if they had only been managed by the government.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, nation building and identity construction in the post-socialist region have been the subject of extensive academic research. The majority of these studies have taken a 'top-down' approach - focusing on the variety of ways in which governments have sought to define the nascent nation states - and in the process have often oversimplified the complex and overlapping processes at play across the region. Drawing on research on the Balkans, Central Asia, the Caucasus and Eastern Europe, this book focuses instead on the role of non-traditional, non-politicised and non-elite actors in the construction of identity. Across topics as diverse as school textbooks, turbofolk and home decoration, contributors - each an academic with extensive on-the-ground experience - identify and analyse the ways that individuals living across the post-socialist region redefine identity on a daily basis, often by manipulating and adapting state policy.In the process, Nation Building in the Post-Socialist Region demonstrates the necessity of holistic, trans-national and inter-disciplinary approaches to national identity construction rather than studies limited to a single-state territory.

AbstractPolitical debates on the Baltics, and in particular Estonia, have often pointed to "nationalisting" and exclusive narratives constructed at the institutional level. Accordingly, emphasis has been put on the lack of opportunities for Russians to integrate into an Estonian context. While acknowledging the shortfalls of the Estonian political project, this article contrasts these views in two ways. By emphasizing people's agency and their capacity to question, contrast, or even reject the identity markers proposed by Estonian official narratives, we maintain that the integration of Russians might be more advanced than insofar claimed by other studies. We then look at the way identities are lived in an everyday context by inhabitants of Estonia to counterpose national narratives proposed by the state and its political institutions, with the way people live and whether they accept these narratives. By doing this, we explore the role of the everyday in the reconstruction of national identity narratives, in which citizens actively participate in their individual capacity. We suggest that, from a James Scott "infrapolitics" perspective, these micro-actions have a fundamental role in the reshaping of a national identity and its acceptance among citizens.

Political debates on the Baltics, and in particular Estonia, have often pointed to "nationalisting" and exclusive narratives constructed at the institutional level. Accordingly, emphasis has been put on the lack of opportunities for Russians to integrate into an Estonian context. While acknowledging the shortfalls of the Estonian political project, this article contrasts these views in two ways. By emphasizing people's agency and their capacity to question, contrast, or even reject the identity markers proposed by Estonian official narratives, we maintain that the integration of Russians might be more advanced than insofar claimed by other studies. We then look at the way identities are lived in an everyday context by inhabitants of Estonia to counterpose national narratives proposed by the state and its political institutions, with the way people live and whether they accept these narratives. By doing this, we explore the role of the everyday in the reconstruction of national identity narratives, in which citizens actively participate in their individual capacity. We suggest that, from a James Scott "infrapolitics" perspective, these micro-actions have a fundamental role in the reshaping of a national identity and its acceptance among citizens. ; Peer reviewed

Abritant les plus grandes communautés de russophones et de Russes ethniques au sein de l'Union européenne, les républiques baltes ont attiré l'attention de nombreux universitaires et spécialistes du sujet de l'intégration des minorités nationales et leur capacité limitée d'intégrer les minorités russes. Pourtant, le point de départ de cet article est que les dimensions politiques et celles relevant des interactions économiques du quotidien peuvent être considérées séparément. Par conséquent, la limitation des droits politiques pour une partie de la population ne se reflète pas expressément dans la vie quotidienne, en tout cas pas dans celle de tous les russophones, qui sont peut-être mieux intégrés que l'on le présente habituellement. Particulièrement dans la jeune génération, il n'y a pas de sentiment de retourner « chez soi » quand ils visitent la Russie, mais plutôt celui d'appartenir à un entre-deux. De façon intéressante, cette attitude semble s'accompagner d'un rapport biaisé à l'État qui est à la fois brimant en termes politiques et peu respectueux de la langue et de la culture russe, mais aussi reconnaissant des opportunités économiques qu'il offre par rapport à la Russie. ; With the largest Russian-speaking and ethnic Russian minorities in the EU, the Baltic republics have attracted attention from numerous academics and specialists with an interest in the subject of minority integration and the limited capacity for integrating Russian minorities. The initial premise for this article, however, is that the political dimensions and those relating to ordinary economic interactions can be considered separately. Consequently, the limitations on the political rights of part of the population are not expressly reflected in daily life, at least not among all Russian-speakers, who may in fact be better integrated than prevailing opinion suggests. Among the younger generation especially, there is no sense of "going back home" when they visit Russia, but rather a sense of belonging somewhere in between. Interestingly, this attitude seems to go together with a bias against the State, seen as politically oppressive and with little regard for the Russian language and culture, but also with recognition of the economic opportunities it offers compared to Russia.